8. Litteraturliste
9.3 Bilag 3: Ismail Ertug
Transkribering af interview med Ismail Ertug, tysk medlem af EuropaParlamentet for Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, i EuropaParlamentet medlem af S&D, den socialdemokratiske gruppe. Interviewet er udført den 15. januar 2013.
CNC: Cathrine Nygaard Christensen (interviewer) IE: Ismail Ertug (respondent)
CNC: So if I may just ask you, to begin with, what is your general view on EU as a community? Which values do you see the EU based on, are the political and economic or are there some sort of cultural values involved as well?
IE: I think all of these topics are included. But for me, the most important thing that we have to know is that the EU, in the beginning after World War II, it was a peace project. And we forget, especially our young generation. It is not clear for them, for that means, the European Union. This is for me the most important. The peace and stability. The next thing is clear that cultural perspectives and dimensions are included as well. Within this topic is the economical part of the union. And for me, the hierarchy is important; peace and stability, and this is for us the precondition to have economical growth and all the other things.
CNC: So a European country, is that a country that share the values, and cultural values, of the current EU countries?
IE: Yes. The EU has clear values, which are totally open and obvious in our treaties. And if you agree on these treaties, on this issue of the content, and if you are a European country you should have the chance to join this community. And this for me is clear. That was the same case in 1963 with Turkey.
Now we have the discussion, that Turkey is not on the European continent but Turkey is clearly on the European continent, this is not a topic. And this is more... I will say this argument is for the right‐wings and for the more conservatives in the European Union because we have several examples that Turkey is on the European continent if you look to football, music contests and all those things. They are in the European Council and several other European institutions.
CNC: So you believe the cultural argument, you are talking about, belongs to the rightwing conservatives?
IE: I think that the cultural argument is not only an issue for the right‐wing and conservatives but if you need this argument to prevent something, they are using it. And I think this is one of the most important issues. If you look back 20‐30 no one in the European Union thought really seriously that Turkey would join the European Union, because they had their own problems with three coup d'etat, and they were the poor man of the Bosporus and all the things. But now we have a different constellation, they grow economically, they have a strategically big role in their region and I want to mention the energy issue. So the cultural issue is more an argument for Turkey than against Turkey because Turkey has more than 1000 years of Christian culture within this country. Its boarders.
CNC: So what do you think that a potential Turkish membership would bring to the EU?
IE: Yes, it would bring... this is my specific thought of the issue: I think after the fall of the Berlin wall it would be the second big step towards a peace project. Whether we agree or not, Turkey is a bridge to problematic regions, and they are our neighbor region, Africa, near east, Middle East are neighbor regions. Every problem there, will involve us. Maybe not in a short time, but in the middle perspective
it will catch us. With Turkey we would have economic, economic stability in the Middle East and not to forget we would have a big step into the continent of Africa. And especially looking from the German perspective, now in Germany and the (uforståeligt) from Chancellor Merkel shows that once again Africa is.. we have our views (eyes) on that continent. But I am not so happy about the intention behind. Most of them are looking at valuable raw materials but I would like to say it in another way; I think this is important but the people there are important as well. If you speak with Africans, they say
"yeah, you are a white with a black heart and in the past we had white with white hearts" and that means a very positive thing. And they have a big anger against us unfortunately.
CNC: The reform process in Turkey has been ongoing in Turkey for many years now. Do you perceive the reform process by Erdogan as sincere? Does he really want to align Turkey's politics with EU politics? And Turkey's view on freedom of speech and freedom of press?
IE: If you had asked me this two years ago, I would clearly say yes. But now I have the impression that Turkish people, and I am totally sure, cause I'm a member of the EU‐Turkey delegation. Turkish people in particularly the young generation a more high percentage are Europeans and they feel like Europeans. Okay, there are Muslims maybe but it's not the case. The most of they young generation are Europeans and they would like to be a European citizen.
CNC: Does this mean the educated generation?
IE: This is not only the educated generation but it is easier to have positive opinion on the EU for the educated than for the not so well educated part of the society. But in general the young people are in favor of the European Union. If you ask them: "Would you join the EU if the EU would say yes to you?"
they would say clearly yes. But if you ask them: "Do you think that the EU will include Turkey?" they will say no. And this is a mistake, which was made in the past. Not only from Turkey but also from the European Union. And I have to say that with Sakozy and Merkel's political issues and all that discouraging messages which we have given them in the past. It discourages the people in Turkey and after that politician of the AKP there are dealing with both of those feeling. On one hand they say that they are in line and we are trying to fulfill our requirements and on the other hand they are playing with the fears and anger of the people in Turkey. They say "the Europeans don't want us" and we have to respond that the European Union is not at monolithic group, we have 27 different countries and in the countries the governments are changing and if you have a conservative government in for instance Germany, France, Denmark or Belgium and Austria and these countries are decisive and if they have a conservative government the view to Turkey are not so positive. But if you have in the Mediterranean countries a change from social democrat, liberal to conservative that doesn't make any difference, because they are looking positively at Turkey. This is the reason I guess because of the so many workers that went to Europe 30‐40 years ago and I, as well, is a guest worker child in Germany and all the examples are alive and integration policy contributed to a negative sight (view) on people because they were not so well educated.
CNC: That was one of the things I wanted to ask you, because I know there is quite a negative attitude in your country towards Turkey among the population. Is that related to integration issues or what is the main concern of the population?
IE: Two things: one thing is the integration issue where not on the first five topics until 10 years ago.
After 1998 with the Schröder‐government in Germany we started to think of these people why are not originally Germans or they are new Germans. An in that period we said, okay there is a word, thing like integration. And before that, all the people were guest worker. With the thinking behind, that they would go back to their old countries. And that brought us in a difficult situation that nothing was done for the integration of these people. We have the example of the former Soviet republic Germans maybe, they received obligatory German speaking tests and courses but for Turkish people; nothing.
Ad so they were not able to learn German very good without the accent and if you aren't able to speak the language of the country you have all negative disadvantages; labor market... And this is the first reason for the negative attitude and the second is the policy, that was made in the past. Politician said things about Turks, things from the Middle age and all the things. This is the second issue why there is a negative attitude.
CNC: So it was the political rhetoric?
IE: The political way of talking yes, this is clearly a message on internal politic and domestic politics towards the next elections. And every time you can follow it, you can see it in Germany till the end of..
in 2010 was the last election in Essen, they tried to make a negative campaign against Turkish teenagers because two of them threatened and old man in the queue of the metro. So they tried to use it as negative campaigning against all foreigners. But that was not successful and I think that was the breaking point in Germany. Since then they are not so obvious against. That will change. This attitude will change in Germany, totally change, I believe in it, because of the Erasmus‐generation. I call it the Erasmus generation, they are people, maybe like you, that have and will have the opportunity to have contact to their Turkish counterparts and colleagues, students. I am 37 years old and I don't think this is very old for an MEP. But if I remember back, 20 years ago we hadn't the chance to go to university in Paris or London or Ankara or Madrid... It was totally unnormal in my years as a teenager.
CNC: Maybe the population's fear is very much based on not having any knowledge?
IE: This is the case; not having any knowledge, this is the main reason for the people to say "no, I don't know them, and I hear and I have read something". This is the case. If you make this same survey in Romania or Hungary, because they are nearer to Turkey and they have more connections from the Ottoman Empire, this attitude is positive. And this shows us the missing knowledge is a big big problem.
CNC: If I may quickly return to the debate about religion as a factor, do you believe a debate about religion has any place in the debate about Turkey? Do you believe a country's religious background determines the possibility to developed democracy, implement human rights? Is it okay to debate Turkey's religion in Europe?
IE: The case is; that religion is not a precondition in the Copenhagen Criteria. And all the politicians know that very well. So they are not raising that discussion. But this is in their minds. If they say 'culture', the culture of the Turks doesn't fit with ours, they mostly mean the religion behind that. If they raise (the question of) religion, all the supporters will say: "Sorry, but that is not at criteria". And this.. in the older generation, is the biggest problem I guess. They don't have any experience to live with Muslims or Turks and they have from the church, why have to be honest; they have (incomprehensible) for ages into the new time. In the past the church was one of the institutions that transferred the old fears from the Middle Ages to the new time. But the younger generation is more important, and we see in all the statistics, human rights, right of free speech, press freedom, this is more important for them. For the older generation, it is the culture and religion.
CNC: Do you think it's more difficult for the Turkish society to unite with Western values? Are there more difficulties for a Muslim country?
IE: No! I totally disagree with that thesis, because if you look to Turkey and all the people who know Turkey very well, know that Turkey like France and more than France.. We say in German laichitic (?), I don't know the English word for that…
CNC: Like the French laïcite?
EI: Yes, laïcite. It's a secular country. The secularization is very forward and since Atatürk. If you compare Turkey with e.g. the right for joining elections for women we see that Turkey was one of the first countries on the European continent to give women the right to vote. And that shows us, and the normal living shows us, that that Turks are Europeans but they have their own style. This is the thing, we have to agree on it, they have their own style, like the Spanish, like the... This own style is totally compatible with the European rights and values. But you need at guide for that and the guide has to be, must be, the political elite in the country. And if you imprison journalist, if you imprison students because of some folders or posters they have published, and put them into prison, Europe and their own society looks to that and say "sorry, what is going on?". And "this is not in line with European values". But if you open your country, not only in the economical aspect, because economically it's totally like a liberal country, Turkey, but more than in culture, more than in LGBT rights, more than in free speech and all that things. Internets all that issues, that they will show us in Europe and the same thing is valid for the people in Turkey, for the young generation, okay we are Europeans and we are living like Europeans. And I think this is the most important thing as well.
CNC: Some of the points that the Commission's Progress Reports make are the difficulties of compliance of freedom of speech, press, etc. Why do you think it's so difficult for Turkey to reform on these areas?
IE: The issue is, that Turkey has a military constitution. And the anti terror law is so broad, you know, and this is the case.
CNC: Do you believe it's too broad?
IE: Too broad. Totally too broad. And so this is why we claim every time for at civil constitution. And if you speak with prosecutors in Turkey e.g. they say; "I have to do it, because the constitution gives me a broad framework" and they have to imprison them. The problem is, and I asked them, in Germany we have the value and the normal ways so forth you cannot bring the evidence for the guiltiness of the people, you cannot imprison them. But in Turkey, it's the other way around, you imprison them and after that you're starting with your...
CNC: ...Gathering of evidence?
IE: Yes, with the investigations. And one year ago (after one year), you see that it is not enough and after that you let the people go. And I think this is not the way. You can take their passport away so the can't leave the country, but you have to finalize the investigation while the people are free. And not the other way around. And I think this is a topic which is very important and I hope this process is ongoing in Turkey, that with a civil constitution all these problems will disappear and if they orient themselves on a European level of the constitution I think the problem will stop.
CNC: But do you see any signs that the government is working in that direction?
IE: This is as well a domestic issue, there are someone who are very interested in it, and there are someone who are not interested in it. And for the time being, I think Erdogan is not very interested in it because he would like to be president in 2014 and he needs another change of the constitution. We are looking to that change of the constitution which brings us nearer to what you have mentioned before, and I think he is looking at his agenda to be president and try to change the constitution in his way. And this is really a ... how can I say... ?
CNC: Do you worry about this constitutional change?
IE: I'm not worried, I’m not worried but the thing is that Turkey will lose time because of the election
in 2014. And think this year they will have the regional elections once again which is important for them. And we say after the elections or before the elections and every time you have some pressure to make something or prevent something. But normally if Turkey or Turkish society they should be interested in a civil society and not to have CNC: president like Putin in Russia. And this is interesting;
in the AKP, most are not in favor of the idea of a president for the next 40 year who is named Erdogan.
His ministers as well. Not every one of the but some of them said very openly two weeks ago, I think the tourist minister, that it is not a good idea.
CNC: So there is also a split?
IE: A total split, totally. The president now is against, Abdul Gül, he is not in favor.
CNC: Because he (Erdogan) wants a reform that carries some more power to the president?
IE: Clear, clear. He would like to change it totally, away from prime ministry like in France, more like in Russia. You have the whole power for him self and then you have a puppet as Prime minister who hasn't any rights.
CNC: If he succeeds to do this, do you think he is going to push Turkey more towards EU or?
IE: No, I don't think so. I don’t. Because he is acting.. Erdogan he was very willing to be in the European Union in 2002 to I would say 2006/7 and after that he changed be because of the policy of Sakozy and Merkel. And he said "we don't have any chance maybe and we can do what we want"
CNC: So do you think the process has been too long?
IE: The process is too long and now he has other main goals for himself and for Turkey
CNC: So do you believe Turkey has been treated fairly in the accession process?
IE: Absolutely not.
CNC: Were they promised something they would never get?
IE: I think both sides are responsible for that. And I told them very often to my Turkish colleagues from the national parliament, I told them: "Have your or you Prime Minister signed the Ankara protocol? Yes or no?" And they say yes, but.. But no but, I said to them. You signed that and you have the obligation to fulfill it. But they say "Yeah, but we made at remark on it and bla bla bla". Remark is okay, but the fact is that Cyprus is a full member and you have to recognize them as full member. And I know this is not very popular and because of my Turkish name I can say something, which my colleague with another name cannot mention. And I try to do it. But I'm a total supporter of the membership of Turkey. And I'm honest and I don't have any agenda behind that. So they believe me and so I can say something which a bit critical to them.
CNC: So you are not worried about the country having some Muslim political agenda? I'm thinking about...
IE: No, absolutely not! Because even the religious groups in Turkey are secularists. They don't want to have... Turkey is not Pakistan, Turkey not Iran, Turkey is not Iraq. Turkey is a European country and all the people are Europeans. And they say "okay, we are Muslims but we don't want to have an Islamic state".