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actions. In regards to the criticism of adopting Crimea and the city of Sevastopol into the Russian Federation, Russian and Crimea simply exercised their rights under the UN Charter:
“The right to self-determination fully complies with the criteria, which are included in the UN declaration of 1970. The Republic of Crimea adopted a declaration of independence; there was a referendum, during which Crimean’s from an independent state voted in favour of accession to Russia. When Crimea was proclaimed independent, two independent states – the Russian Federation and the Republic of Crimea – exercised their right under the UN Charter, which is based on the sovereign equality of states. Two sovereign states took a sovereign decision, which concerns two of them and their people. Because there are no hidden pitfalls and it is not possible to interpret this in any other way” (Lavrov, 2014).
Again the regime expresses respect of the international legal framework by referring to specific sources of international law.
“Imperative to respect the legitimate interests of all the participants in international dialogue. Only then, not with guns, missiles or combat aircraft, but precisely with the rule of law will we reliably protect the world against bloody conflict” (Putin, 2014D).
Putin is saying that to secure peace we must engage in dialogue and find support in the legal framework, but that interests serves as the foundation. Military power will only fuel a conflict. As much as the regime advocates for dialogue, they also makes clear that when push comes to shove:
“Of course, we all realise that Russia, once under threat, would defend its security interests by all available means at its disposal, should such threats against Russia arise” (Putin, 2016).
National interests are of highest value to Russia, and serve as instrument to legitimise any foreign policy action. Putin is saying that Russia would not feel the slightest restraint in acting on its own perceived self-interest. It is thus only up to a certain point that Russia wishes to engage in dialogue to settle international disputes: should Russia’s national interests be jeopardised, they are willing to result to war:
“We have no intention to become involved in a costly arms race, but at the same time we will reliably and dependably guarantee our country’s defence in the new conditions. There are absolutely no doubts about this. This will be done. Russia has both the capability and the innovative solutions for this. No one will ever attain military superiority over Russia. We have a modern and combat ready army. As they now put it: a polite, but formidable army. We have the strength, will and courage to protect our freedom” (Putin, 2014D).
In deed the regime’s great power rhetoric resonates as special attention is paid to the state’s power, and especially its military might. It resembles the Russian rhetoric from their Imperial and Soviet past. It emphasises the mobilisation of power to protect the population and to enjoy a political space free from intervention from the outside. The regime also places strong emphasis on state sovereignty and security. In deed they do not try to hide the fact that they consider absolute sovereignty the end itself:
“If for some European countries national pride is a long-forgotten concept and sovereignty is too much of a luxury, true sovereignty for Russia is absolutely necessary for survival” (Putin, 2014D).
Dialogue is thus the preferred way to solve international disputes within a legal framework, but securing national interests and sovereignty is the end itself and military superiority is vital. If we
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turn our attention to the notion of democracy, the regime emphasises the importance of democracy several times:
“What is democracy? Both you and me know the answer well. What is demos? Demos is people, and democracy is people's right. In this particular case, it is the right to self-determination” (Putin, 2014B).
This is an interesting quote because it is the regime’s definition of democracy: namely as the people’s right. Putin says that demos is people, but does not define the second part of the word:
kratos. Putin says democracy is the people’s rights, but in reality it is about the system of government in which the people have power to make decision about its affairs. Putin does not mention anything about government, only the demos.
In terms of international stability, Russia’s geopolitical viewpoint is that the bipolar world created stability:
“Like a mirror, the situation in Ukraine reflects what is going on and what has been happening in the world over the past several decades. After the dissolution of bipolarity on the planet, we no longer have stability” (Putin, 2014C).
The key to Russian geopolitics is the idea of a bipolar world, but they are acknowledging the shift towards a multi-polar world:
“We have failed to assert our national interests, while we should have done that from the outset. Then the whole world could have been more balanced (Putin, 2016)
Even though not put in to words, it is reasonable to assume that Putin is referring to 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In terms of economic considerations, the regime says that:
“The quality and the size of the Russian economy must be consistent with our geopolitical and historical role. We must escape the trap of zero-level growth and achieve an above-average global growth rate within the next three to four years. This is the only way to increase Russia’s share in the global economy, and thus strengthen our influence and economic independence” (Putin, 2014D).
Consequently pushing for independence rather than interdependence. Regional interdependence, or at least integration, however is possible if mutual interests can be found:
“We see how quickly Asia Pacific has been developing over the past few decades. As a Pacific power, Russia will use this huge potential comprehensively. Everyone knows the leaders and the drivers of global economic development. Many of them are our
sincere friends and strategic partners. The Eurasian Economic Union will start working in full on January 1, 2015” (Putin, 2014D).