The present study contributes with new knowledge on the meaning of food consumption in daily practice, and in this chapter the findings are discussed with regard to the theoretical contribution and the managerial implications.
6.1 The impossible escape
This study shows how LCHF-followers fight to break free from the traditional food regime to gain control over their own lives. This battle can be perceived as if LCHF-followers try to escape from the market of mass-consumption and its restrictions encapsulated in the traditional food regime. LCHF-followers seek to find their way back to their perception of authentic and natural food that nourishes the body and makes them healthy. The return to consumers’ natural roots relies on listening to the needs of the body. LCHF-followers do not start growing their own vegetables and become natural food providers. Instead they assert this newfound natural identity through offerings provided by the market. Even though LCHF-followers ascribe the market offerings different meaning, they are no different from followers of the traditional food regime, as they too rely on market offerings to express their identity. LCHF-followers use several of the existing market offerings but in a new way based on their acquired culinary capital. In this way the findings of this study supports what Kozinets theorized in his study about Burning Man (2002a): consumers isolate specific parts of the market offerings to support an identity experienced as separated from the market whereas it in fact is part of the market. Participants at Burning Man believed they were breaking free of the market, just as LCHF-followers believe they are breaking free by leaving the traditional food regime. However, both consumer groups are still part of the market, because they rely on market offerings. The LCHF food regime might therefore not so much be a sign of social change in general but merely a change in the individual LCHF-follower’s identity (Kozinets, 2002a).
The LCHF food regime enables its followers to obtain a perceived balance in their lives, and more of the respondents of this study express a feeling of uniqueness, evident in the new identity they perceive themselves to behold because of the LCHF food regime. This sense of perceived uniqueness is contradicted by the act of following a regime, even though it is an alternative regime. LCHF-followers dislike the structure of the traditional regime with its restrictions and
authorities, but a social structure with similar traits can be identified within the LCHF food regime. It might be alternative authorities but there are still authorities from which consumers seek advice and guidance. It can consequently be discussed if the LCHF food regime is a parallel regime instead of an opposing regime, since it draws on the same logic of authorities and principles, evident in the inspirational bloggers and the LCHF food pyramid. Turner (1982 in:
Kozinets, 2002a) discussed the concept of anti-structure, which can be useful to consider in relation to an understanding of the LCHF food regime. A sense of release from restrictions – whether imagined or not – is enough to evoke expression and to unleash the potential for self-transformation (Turner, 1982 in: Kozinets, 2002a). Thus, the mere fact that LCHF-followers feel that they break free is enough for them to experience a changed identity. The LCHF food regime offers an alternative to the traditional food regime but the regimes do not differ significantly at all points. If LCHF-followers truly wanted to break free from the market they would listen solely to their body and not look for established principles or guidance in relation to good or bad food.
Whether it is the traditional regime or the LCHF food regime the diet guidance will always restrict the followers in some way and the LCHF food regime can hence not be perceived as an anti-structure.
LCHF-followers are convinced that they will continue to live in compliance with the LCHF food regime for the rest of their lives because of the physical feeling of wellbeing and the self-transformation achieved through a LCHF lifestyle. LCHF-followers can, based on theory of identity narratives, be suggested to have discovered their true preferences, which have come to drive their food consumption (Ahuvia, 2005). Still, it appears from the coping strategies presented in this study that LCHF-followers only for a limited period of time fully comply to the LCHF food regime. After a period of time LCHF-followers start perceiving themselves as bricoleurs that will not accept to be dictated in their consumption behaviour but instead choose for themselves (Holt, 2002). The more relaxed adherence to the LCHF food regime among experienced followers contradicts the claimed life-long devotion. It can therefore be discussed if the desire for emancipation from the traditional regime is only temporary (Kozinets, 2002a). Experienced LCHF-followers perceive themselves capable of judging what is a healthy identity even if the food consumption includes bad LCHF food. The question is if experienced LCHF-followers base their judgements on individual conviction and thus should be perceived as less controlled by structure or if they are influenced by structures across the traditional food regime and the LCHF food regime and thereby actually are more controlled by structures.
6.2 Status competition
Extensions of self are understood to be important and durable elements of the individual’s identity (Belk, 1988). Based on Belk (1988) I have argued that following the LCHF food regime can become an extension of self – especially because the choice of food regime is a deliberate choice.
An important finding in this study contests the understanding of durable extensions of self, since the more experienced LCHF-followers are more relaxed about following the LCHF principles.
Thus, the expression of identity through apparent adherence to the LCHF principles becomes less important. Based on this I suggest that the LCHF food regime can be perceived as an example of a continuous game of status competition within the field of food consumption rather than a durable extension of the self.
LCHF-followers achieve status through culinary capital within the LCHF food regime, but I point out that the deliberate and active decision of doing something different than following the traditional food regime increases culinary capital within the field of food consumption – unaffiliated to food regimes. The insight that consumers gain when they participate in communities such as the LCHF community provides them with culinary capital beyond common standards caused by the decision of doing something instead of merely following the official guidelines. An interesting question is if the choice of alternative food regimes falls back to the opposition between the dominant and the dominated (Bourdieu, 1984). With this in mind LCHF can be perceived as an example of how consumers constantly compete for status obtainable through knowing more about diet and health, which makes them able to experience themselves as dominators within the social field of food. It undoubtedly provides more status to dominate based on perceived expert knowledge than to be dominated by experts. Being a food expert helps the consumer in the everlasting quest of becoming “someone”.
Considering LCHF as an example of a continuous status competition rises another question: Will LCHF-followers remain loyal to the LCHF food regime if it becomes mainstream, or will they seek new regimes that enables them to achieve different and perhaps increased culinary capital?
When the ‘newness’ of the LCHF lifestyle fades away, LCHF will not provoke discussion in the same way (Warde, 2014), because it will be included in the market. The question of what is most important to LCHF-followers is interesting to consider: the physical wellbeing and membership of the LCHF community or a possible enhanced social status? The conclusion that LCHF-followers
seek to be accepted and for the LCHF food regime to be legitimatized can hence be questioned as an ultimate goal of the LCHF-followers.
6.3 Marketing approach
Marketers will benefit from following the development of the market, and some restaurants and stores already have adapted their supply in accordance to the LCHF lifestyle (LCHF take away, 2014). Still, the most important managerial implication of this study might be the understanding of the LCHF food regime as an expression of consumers’ desire for a change. If LCHF-followers believe they are breaking free from the market in a continuous game of status competition marketers must consider if LCHF is a food regime, which is worth a specialised marketing effort.
This perspective opens up the discussion if LCHF is a trend that will fade away as soon as something newer is presented. Consumers are constantly on the watch for something that can bring them closer to a healthy life. One respondent says: “If I should suddenly leave it (LCHF) it would be because I find something that makes me feel even better” (App. 8: l. 127-129, Xenia).
Marketers will take the most beneficial position if they can help provide consumers an experience of a healthier identity. So for example marketers can focus on embracing more diets within the overall health theme to cater to followers of different food regimes.
According to LCHF-followers the followers of the traditional Danish food regime are passive participants in the cultural definition of health. LCHF-followers on the contrary are fighting to be active participants. Since LCHF still presents principles for a healthy lifestyle, the ultimate aim for these consumers must be to break completely free of any restrictions if possible. Marketers can help create this illusion, because they are aware of it. An investment in getting closer to consumers through listening to their stories is therefore beneficial to marketers. LCHF might appear as a temporal group of fanatics protesting against the food safety authorities but they can also be understood as a sign of need for variation and renewal in the food market. A presentation of a counter-story to the traditional food regime’s health story based on the cultural movements in the Danish society will be beneficial to the marketers (Holt, 2004). A market offering close to its consumers’ needs, can act as a vessel of self-expression, imbued with values usable to the consumers in constructing individual and collective identities (Holt, 2004). Marketers can only be capable of offering such a vessel by listening to the stories of those consumers reacting to the existing cultural situation.
6.4 The interdependent CCT domains
This discussion of the findings includes both considerations of social structure and market ideology, and it can hence be discussed if it makes sense to delimit this study from the two related research domains of CCT: The socio-historic patterning of consumption and Mass-mediated marketplace ideologies and consumer’s interpretive strategies. According to the CCT perspective it is possible to focus a research study on one or two of the research domains, but based on this study I will argue, that the research domains are interdependent, and all four domains must be considered not only as tacit knowledge but in relation to how the different dynamics affect each other. I conclude that within the field of food consumption it is not sufficient to focus merely on the individual-level and community-level. It is, on the contrary, necessary to explore the institutional and social structures, which influence consumption and the way consumers form and value communities. It is also important to consider the ideological shaping of consumer identity, which affects what kind of consumer positions that are attractive. The present study thereby argues that to achieve a deep understanding it is necessary to involve all four research domains of the CCT perspective.