CASE STUDIES IN MADRID AND EDINBURGH
CASE STUDIES: MADRID-EDINBURGH
During the last decade many European cities have expanded following sustainability principles by creating large scale, mixed use, compact residential neighbourhoods in non-central locations, aiming for “walkable and vibrant places in which to live and work”15. This research focuses on those urban forms. In order to take a closer look into the process of development of vitality, a specific intermediate stage of redevelopment has being selected. This the early stage of construction completion in which new residents are settling in and new activities are emerging. At this stage, the specific dynamics of the place are still emerging, whereas negotiation between stakeholders, new users and inhabitants is still taking place. This is the stage in which street and neighbourhood vitality is starting to emerge.
Two case studies in different contexts and settings have being selected. They both correspond to new residential areas in an intermediate stage of redevelopment in non-central locations of two capital cities: Madrid (Spain) and Edinburgh (Scotland, UK). Despite climate, social and cultural differences, both cities have a strong focus on cultural life and street vitality at a city centre level. They both have developed, at the beginning of the XIX century, visions for their peripheries which included the creation of large scale mixed use, compact residential neighbourhoods organized around high-scale perimeter block of flats. Many of those areas are currently in an intermediate stage of development in which new residential buildings live together within vacant plots.
AMPS, Architecture_MPS; London South Bank University 09—10 February, 2017
Figure 1. Valdebebas (left) Granton Waterfront (right), 2017.
The selected residential area in Madrid is Valdebebas, a green field located in the affluent North of Madrid, nearby the airport. The development of Valdebebas started in the late 90s through a sole Master Plan16. It contemplated 12,500 housing units in 413 ha together with retail, offices, facilities and services. Around 4,000 housing units have been built17 and the estimated population is 5,534 people18.
Granton Waterfront, in Edinburgh, regenerates industrial and popular waterfront area. An initial Master Plan, 2001 for the whole area19 fell apart due to fragmented landownership20. It proposed up to 6,500 residential units, as well as retail, offices, facilities and services over a site of 140 ha. There are at present three different areas of redevelopment21. Around 1,300 housing units have been built22 and the current estimated population is 2,083 people23.
This research aim to explore how similar physical structures located in two different contexts and settings are used and experienced in different ways. This will help stablish common vs differentiating factors, as well as local vs global factors which lay behind the construction of vitality24. Examining two different contexts will provide the opportunity to gain more detailed understanding of behaviours, attitudes and experiences across countries with offer lessons for planning and development25. By doing so, this research will contribute to the development of urban design theories and strategies able to take into account the specificities of the local context.
METHODOLOGY
A qualitative approach, informed by an ethnographical framework, was undertaken. This comprised participant observation (26) and interviews with local people (35 residents, including 24 walking interviews and 12 local small businesses). Ten additional interviews were undertaken with relevant stakeholders who were involved in the redevelopment (land owners, land developers, public authority, property development companies, architects and landscape designers). Participant observation included participation in public meetings, community activities and events and observation of public spaces.26
Walking interviews (24) were undertaken with residents, involving accompanying them in an everyday walkthrough the area of study. Interviews with residents who were unable to complete the walk were undertaken at their homes or in a public location of their choosing. Small scale independent local businesses in the area were also interviewed.
Participant recruitment was undertaken with the help of local organizations via leaflets, letters by post27, social media and snowball sampling. Participants were selected with the criteria of maximizing diversity and mirroring the current population profiles (in terms of age, gender, social and economic groups). All of the interviews have been audio recorded and transcribed for analysis. The qualitative data was recorded, collated and thematically analyzed using Braun and Clarke’s five stage thematic analysis approach28. NVivo qualitative data analysis software was used to organize, manage, code and categorize the data.
AMPS, Architecture_MPS; London South Bank University 09—10 February, 2017
FINDINGS
The thematic analysis identified five main aspects that contribute to a sense of vitality within the neighbourhoods: 1, Balance between quietness and vibrant street life; 2, Engagement, social hubs and local businesses; 3, Sustainable connections; 4, Proper management of place transitions; 5, Civic participation.
Figure 2. Valdebebas (left) Granton Waterfront (right), 2017.
Balancing Vitality and Street Life
Everyday experiences of people living in non-central areas, both in Madrid and Edinburgh, demonstrate that street vitality involved a complex balance between quietness and vibrant street life.
This is of special importance in the urban form of study (compact & mixed-use), in which many residents expect to combine the benefits of quiet non-central living with a certain degree of street life.
“What you want is reasonable quiet but not rowdy. A good balance, you don´t want the rowdiness.”(Middle age man, Edinburgh)
“I feel overwhelmed when there are 5 or 6 people in the sidewalk and I have to navigate around them. I am no longer used to navigating around many people. I think that this will never happen here because of the wide avenues. (…) What I’ll love to see are people coming to work in here (…) to see people around. If I stay at home one morning because I am on leave or I am sick, I don’t want to open the window and see an empty place, silence.” (Young woman, Madrid) For many participants, such as the previous one, the balance should be on bringing opportunities to attract more people locally, however avoiding the overcrowding associated to city centers. The need to see people around is central on residents understanding of vitality. This builds on the human need of enjoyment through mutual understanding, learning and engagement gained by watching other people.
“Then you go for a walk and, you know, you see other people walking, families with prams going for a big walk, people running, cycling…everything, you know? Then these is what encourages you, in case you are probably not so used to physical activity, then, now I will do it!
Because, at the end you do what you see them doing, you know?” (Young woman, Madrid) Moreover, the opportunity to see people and activities around make people feel connected. This is of particular importance for those who were less mobile, such as the elderly, who cannot access city centres easily.
“… It was fascinating watching them what they´ve got up to and, you know? So, you know, is interesting to see because I am on my own now, you get bored of your own company, you know?
(…)There is just this mixture of small businesses, not that they are commercial business. They are not particularly for the public. And I think that is nice. I like this because the stuff that happens here most of the time“(Retired man, Edinburgh)
AMPS, Architecture_MPS; London South Bank University 09—10 February, 2017
Social Hubs, Engagement and Vitality
Green areas -when properly designed- become hubs of vitality by offering a wide range of open space activities. Residents benefit from encountering biodiversity and diversity of people. Activities and facilities are necessary for vitality and sense of community. They help meeting people locally and feeling connected with the community. In both places many residents miss the proximity to activities and third places. The lack of activity and difficulties for encounters in the vicinity make people feel sad and even depressed.
“I decided to join the yoga classes just with the purpose of meeting new people in the area, because, otherwise, I have nobody to talk to, and that is sad” (Young woman, Madrid)
“I can get depressed in looking out there (…) where you go? I just have to get in the car and go out. I couldn´t, there is no like a café or anything I can even go in here. And look, why would you go up and sit in a supermarket café?” (Middle age man, Edinburgh)
For many residents, local small cafes, restaurants and shops act as social hubs. However the experience of big superstores is less social because buying food is understood as a primary need.
Moreover, many residents prefer to shop far away in order to access their favourite chain when it is not located nearby their homes. The variety of the commercial activity, including small local businesses, is central for vitality in Valdebebas and Granton Waterfront. However, small local businesses are emerging very slowly in both cases. Many local entrepreneurs I have meet have set up their independent business as a way to develop their own personal project (not for profit) and to escape the restrictions of working for big companies. Many also live locally, which allows them to balance work and personal life. They complain about business insecurity due to lack of affordable premises and the slow pace of redevelopments.
“There is a lovely big building (…) that has been empty since it was put up. There is nothing in it, but it´s too expensive to use for anything. So put the price down and we´ll move in!”(Young entrepreneur woman, Edinburgh)
Vitality and Connectedness
Local people perceptions in relation to connections with the city centre differ in Madrid and Edinburgh. Whereas in Edinburgh most interviewees find that the area is well served by public transport, most residents in Madrid complain that the area is still poorly connected by public transport.
In both places, residents prefer public transport for their leisure activities, but they will only commute to work by public transport when cheaper and faster than private car.
“The car is always more convenient, except if there is a traffic jam…but in 15 minutes we can be at work by car. However, by public transport it may be well 30 minutes” (Young woman, MAD)
“If I am going into town I always take the bus because I don´t like driving, really. And the buses are so easy, I can be in the West End in no time at all” (Retired man, ED)
In Edinburgh many residents take advantage of an easy commute away for leisure activities, which widen the variety of opportunities available. However, many interviewees would prefer local leisure options, which would facilitate their everyday movements and would help them meet their neighbours.
In Madrid difficulties for sustainable ways of transport makes people depend on their cars for most movements. This creates sense of unsafety due to high speeds and lack of pedestrians around.
Moreover, less «eyes on the street»29 create sense of insecurity. These aspects have negative impact on street vitality.
AMPS, Architecture_MPS; London South Bank University 09—10 February, 2017
“There are not many crossings, big avenues, empty streets…and drivers tend to go at speed and even to race! Because they are not used to see pedestrians around. This is a real danger in here”(Young man, Madrid)
The importance of managing place transitions for vitality
The intermediate stage of development complicates the emergence of street vitality in both case study areas. In the case of Valdebebas (Madrid) the urban design of streets and parks came before buildings were completed. Few resources were allocated to maintain a vast amount of urban furniture and greenery with no residents nearby. This situation led to vandalism. In contrast, in Granton Waterfront (Edinburgh) residential buildings came first and residents expected quality urban design to follow.
Without it, they have stopped using undeveloped places where antisocial behaviours are characteristic.
In both places residents report how maintenance related problems prevent them from using streets and green areas. This is one of the reasons why many owners of private flats are not living in the areas yet.
They are waiting until it becomes more attractive (including better connections and facilities).
However, this is not an option for residents of affordable homes, which have little choice about where they live. This situation explains how non-well planned implementations can have disproportionate impact on the most vulnerable.
In the case of Edinburgh many residents complain about lack of public investment. This makes them feel unable to change things, which creates sense of insecurity. This is of special importance at an intermediate stage of development in which the future successfulness of the area is still at compromise.
“They (landowners and public authority) don’t, I think ,have spent enough money here to kind of improve things (…) If I could turn back the clock and not have moved here I´ll probably would rather not have moved now that I know. Had I moved here and within a few months they started making it look a bit better and a couple of shops or something sprang up, which would make it a little bit busier, and the sense that there is a bit of a community, I would have even bought it. But not now (…) you don’t feel you are part of something, you just feel you are kind of existing against” (Young man, Edinburgh)
The case of Madrid is quite different. Development has going on since the first residents moved in.
Residents have high expectations on the area. They even feel responsible for the successful future of the place. These build on their sense of belonging and sense of place.
“We were the first inhabitants of this place (…).If I see litter in the city centre I don´t mind as much as I mind in here (…).This character of this place is very nice (…) with the time this feeling of belonging to the place will probably change, but now you feel that the place belongs to you and that you need to do something for it, in order to get more activity to come here.”
(Young couple, Madrid)
The reason for these contrasted feelings between Madrid and Edinburgh lies in the pace of development. Residents in Edinburgh have being living in an intermediate stage of completion for many years, whereas residents in Madrid have seen development progress since they moved in, which gives them confidence on the future success of the place. Moreover, in Valdebebas good urban design has been implemented before building construction and has been equally distributed, covering the whole area. In Granton Waterfront quality urban design has being unequal among the various areas of redevelopment. Furthermore, planning applications are constantly changing, which make residents feel more insecure about the future of the place. These problematics suggest the importance of effectively phasing regeneration implementations.
AMPS, Architecture_MPS; London South Bank University 09—10 February, 2017
Vitality and civic participation
For many residents in both cases vitality means power to influence decision making at the local level.
They comment on how taking part in decision making would help them build their sense of place.
However, they complain about difficulties in making their voices being heard and in understanding power structures. They claim for more transparency in their relationship with local politics.
“It took me two years of e-mail and phone calls to get two bins put. And they´ve even put those in a stupid place!” (Young man, Edinburgh)
In Madrid there is more active participation in local issues through a very active Neighbour´s Association. This is not the case in Edinburgh, where no local structures have emerged yet.
CONCLUSIONS
This research expands our understanding on street and urban vitality from the everyday life experience of local people. Vitality in non-central urban areas is a concept in tension, between the quietness of non-central living and the complexities of city living. Non-central areas require a certain degree of street life and apparent vitality in order to create an inclusive sense of community and a positive sense of place. Despite the increasing mobility and specialization of contemporary urban lifestyles, everyday spaces and variety of opportunities near home are essential to allow for contact between diverse people, which in turn helps create an inclusive sense of community. Moreover, quality urban design and attractive frontages are necessary to create street vitality, which encourages walkability and helps promote healthy life styles. All these contribute to resident´s wellbeing.
By looking at intermediate stages of development, this research finds out that development’s implementation should be carefully phased taking into account the time span perspective of local people. Short periods of time from the point of view of land developers can be seeing as too large from the point of view of the people living in the middle of an area of redevelopment with vacant sites nearby and no activity around. When the processes of development are too long, public spaces tend to become underused and the vitality of the place is reduced.
By contrasting two case studies in different contexts and settings, this research acknowledge that both places share many local problematics associated to everyday life, good urban design and vitality. This builds on the theory that despite the huge differences of local contexts and settings, the difficulties for vitality are of global neoliberal economic order. This aligns with theories about the incompatibility of urban sustainability and neoliberalism30.
This research uses walking interview as a mean to explore ambience urban design and architectural aspects while walking along with residents31. However, comments about orientation, patterns of airflow or shadow haven’t come along during the conversations. Further research-beyond this paper- will explore the reasons for the difficulties to gain information about the influence of ambience aspects in vitality.
ENDNOTES
i Many authors have being exploring these, such as Jacobs (1961); Gehl (1987); Bentley (1985).
2 John Montgomery, “Making a city: Urbanity, vitality and urban design,” Journal of Urban Design 3(1) (1998): 93–
116.
3 These have being suggested by Eyles & Williams (2008) and Andrews et al. (2012) among others.
4 Montgomery, John, “Editorial Urban Vitality and the Culture of Cities,” Planning Practice & Research 10(2) (1995):101-110
5 Jane Jacobs, The life and death of great American cities (New York: Random House, 1961).
6 John Montgomery, “Making a city: Urbanity, vitality and urban design,” Journal of Urban Design 3(1) (1998): 93–
116.
7 Jane Jacobs, The life and death of great American cities (New York: Random House, 1961), 147.
AMPS, Architecture_MPS; London South Bank University 09—10 February, 2017
8 Stanley D. Brunn et al. eds, Cities of the world: world regional urban development (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003).
9 Ian Bentley et al, Responsive environments (London: Routledge, 1985).
10 Hug Barton et al., Shaping neighbourhoods: for local health and global sustainability (London: Routledge, 2013)
11 James G. Mellon, “Visions of the Livable City: Reflections on the Jacobs-Mumford Debate,” Ethics Place and Environment 12(1) (2009): 39.
12 Hug Barton et al., Shaping neighbourhoods: for local health and global sustainability (London: Routledge, 2013), 3.
13 Henry Lefebvre, The production of space (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991).
14 Mathew Carmona, “The Place-shaping Continuum: A Theory of Urban Design Process,” Journal of Urban Design 19(1) (2014): 2-36
15 Various Master plans for both Valdebebas and Granton Waterfront regenerations talk about these.
16 Agreement among private landowners permitted the development of the whole area with a sole Master Plan (Plan General Valdebebas, 2013).
17 Construction work started in 2006 and the first housing blocks were finished in 2013.
18 56% of households are young adults (between 30 and 44 years old, mostly living in couples and families (Data from Padron Municipal, 2016, Madrid City Council).
19 Llewelyn-Davies Master Plan, 2001.
20 John Punter, ed., Urban design and the British urban renaissance (London: Routledge, 2010).
20 John Punter, ed., Urban design and the British urban renaissance (London: Routledge, 2010).