Proceedings of the
Danish Institute at Athens • I
Edited by Soren Dietz
© Copyright The Danish Institute at Athens, Athens 1995 The publication was sponsored by:
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Signe Isager
NOTE 1
Hinks 1933, 125-143.
Pagans in Late Roman
Halikarnassos II
The voice of the inscriptions
This article will provide a preliminary presentation and discussion of the mosaic inscriptions found in the pavements of a late Roman building in Halikarnassos. It suggests that the inscriptions testify to an orphic/neoplatonic milieu in 5th century Halikarnassos and to a spiritual if not per sonal presence of the Egyptian poet Non- nos in the town. The inscriptions to be presented were found during the Danish excavations in Bodrum in 1991 and 1992;
they were cleaned and restored in the campaign of 1993.
I f
Passage B
Part of the Roman building was exca vated in 1856 by C.T Newton and the inscriptions found then are already
known.1 Nevertheless it is natural to dis cuss them in connection with the new
findings. In the following I shall for prac
tical reasons make a distinction between
the parts of the Roman building excavat ed respectively by the British and the
Danes.
All the inscriptions in the Danish-ex cavated part were set in the tesselated floor of the apsidal room F (Fig. 1). The
Ancient street
W Excavation 1990-1993
Roman Villa excavated by C.T. Newton 1856
Hg, 1. Plan of the two parts of the villa juxtaposed (Inger Bjerg Paulsen).
most exciting find was a nearly complete inscription in eight lines, an epigram set in a tabula ansata (Fig. 7). Opposite this and just in front of the entrance was found the right part of an inscription set in a medallion (Fig. 2). The left part - little more than half- is completely missing.
The personified Seasons in the four cor
ners of the room were all identified not
only by their attributes but also by in scriptions (Figs. 3-6).
The part of the building excavated by Newton had some inscriptions with a purely identifying function too: The Sea sons were identified by the same names as in our part of the building.
Several mythical figures were identified by inscriptions, i.e. Meleager and Atalanta (Poulsen, Figs. 16-18), Dido and Aeneas and finally Dionysos. Three medallions each containing a female head were iden tified by inscriptions as Halikarnassos, Alexandria and Berytos respectively.
Finally there was a medallion contain ing six words to be commented on later.
The inscriptions of the apsidal room F
1. The epigram
Text:
Bf\u« xeov cpepe bevpo juoXwv 5 ^m ved£ (paeivolc;
akiKa vuv ptecpapoiq \j/t\ cp oGexov
raxpexw
awjLia MOcov noXvyiopqxov orcep texv ii novec, avbpeq
axopvrju^voD 5a7C£5ovj 7t&vto6ev
fyyXdciiaav,
5 ocppa kev ev6a kcu ev6a Souod noXvbaibaXov ei6o<;
"bij/opdqxn) TraxpT^i xf\i8 ovo^iaaxov £r\
6 7tpiv aii,K£A,iov x£A£8ov Xapi8Tin oq
£ y£lp£V
ek yai^ Kajiiaxoic; xpr^uaxa TtXlGTOL 7COp(0V
Translation:
Come hither and nod your approval without delay with your bright shining
eyes. I present a
multiform body of stones laid in mosaics, a body which skillful men in spreading the floor made shine all
over,
5 so that the richly wrought appearance of the high-roofed building
shall make this city renowned in many places.
What before was in a miserable state Charidemos raised
from the ground with toil and enor
mous expense
Remarks: The text was nearly complete when found in 1992, and the restorations carried out by Benny Berg from the Na tional Museum of Copenhagen in 1993 have confirmed the readings and eliminat ed alternative possibilities.
The designer of the mosaic attained a balanced composition in the tabula by fill ing out gaps at the end of the line with a floral motif, resembling a twig of pine.
The same device is used in the inscribed medallion.2
The letters of the inscription are hand some and regular, 5-6 cm in height, and are without doubt "late", but they do not of course in themselves provide evidence for a precise dating. Sigma, epsilon and omega (always divided) have square forms,
while the omikron and theta are circular
and/or oval respectively. It is obvious from the beautifully rounded omikrons and phi's that it was not lack of skill which made the artist choose the square form for some letters.3 It is difficult to generalize on such matters. For instance a building in Thebes tentatively dated to the late 5th or early 6th century4 has representations of the months in its tesselated pavement, two of them with square sigmas in their name, the rest being oval. Likewise the mosaic of the Nereides in Apamea dated to 362-363 has the name of Krisis with square sigmas but an oval sigma in Poseidon.3 I have so far not found close parallels for all letters of the epigram in one inscription.6
The translation of the very first word, Bf]]ia, is a matter for discussion. It is very unlikely that it had a neutral meaning to any contemporary reader - nor did it give
NOTE 2
Compare the inscription
in the bath of Poimenios where another floral mo tive is used, Budde 1972, pi. 93.
NOTE 3
cf. Akerstrom-Haugen 1974, 50.
NOTE 4
Spiro 1978, 210-211.
NOTE 5
Baity 1981, fig. 242.
NOTE 6
More irregular but not
without similarities are the
letters of an inscription from a baptisterium in the Basilica of Saint John at Kos, Pelekanidis 1974, pi-
nax 44.
Fig. 2. Inscription in medallion seen from the west. Fig. 3. Personification of Autumn.
Fig. 4. Personification of Spring. Fig. 5. Personification of Summer.
Fig. 7. Inscription in tabula ansata infront of the ap Fig. 6. Personification of Winter.
the same associations to every reader, since it was the word for step, for tribunal and for the area of the church containing
the alter.
2. The inscription in the medallion
Text:
KIMEN ONEON nAP]AKOITHN
EHNH 5 AA]OXO£
.EKjrONONAEA AEITIMH T]EYEH
AEKA
Remarks: The medallion must have been about 115 cm in diameter when com
plete. Less than half has been preserved and unfortunately for the interpretation of the inscription it was the right-hand side which was preserved.
In the course of cleaning and restora tion during the 1993-campaign the read ings of 1992 were confirmed, and a few loose letter fragments not given here, re
covered.
The letters are 5-6.5 cm high. As in the epigram, sigma, epsilon and divided omega are square, but in contrast to the epigram some of the letters have a more cursive form, delta, alpha, ksi and my (only once).
The excavators found no trace of re
pair to the pavement. Many of the letters are very much like those in the epigram;
the tesserae are the same and, as already mentioned, the way of filling out the end ings of a line with a formalized twig of pine is identical with the one used in the inscription of the tabula ansata. Therefore we assume that the inscription was made with the rest of the pavement and that
the use of cursive letters was chosen to suit the circular form of the tondo.
I shall not hazard any tentative transla tion of this fragmentary inscription for the moment, but only point to the fact that medallions of this kind with inscriptions have parallels in many late Roman build
ings, often in a Christian context. It seems for the moment a reasonable guess that a complete text would have given the names of a married couple.
3. The Seasons
a. aiotp- spring b. X£i]pwv - winter c. (p6iv()7tcopov - autumn d. 0[epoc,] - summer
The Seasons are identified in the pavement partly with symbols, partly by inscriptions.
The restoration of the text is supported by the parallel inscriptions found in the part of the building excavated by Newton.
The letters are similar to the letters in
the epigram. Newton suggested that a lap might be the Carian version of £ap, but the same spelling has since been found in the Seasons panels from Hagios Taxiarchis near Argos in a bath tentatively dated to the early 6th century.8
Interpretation - the epigram
The epigram is the inscription which has most to offer as regards interpretation.
The general meaning of the text is not in doubt. The visitor is invited by the building to approach, to acknowledge and to admire what skillful men have managed
to do with the floor. It will redound to
the city of Halikarnassos, and the man who took upon himself the trouble and the expense has deserved his emphatic place in the verse.
While the general meaning is plain, many questions are raised by the text.
Who is the visitor? Who is the donor? Is
he perhaps also the host and the owner of the building? Is it true that the building was rebuilt from the ground, or is that a formulaic expression not to be taken liter ally?
As far as the extent of the rebuilding is concerned, the article by Birte Poulsen seems to support a literal reading of the text. The name of the donor, Charide- mos, is known from two Halikarnassian inscriptions on column drums which we hope to be able to examine further.9 It is
NOTE 7
For my translation, cf. Lid- dell & Scott & Jones s.v.
cpepco A II. For the transla tion tribunal, cf. Robert 1948, especially Addenda concerning an inscription from Nicopolis ad Istrum,
no. 30inBritschkoff1923.
NOTE 8
Newton 1863, 310.
Akerstrom-Haugen 1974,
71 and 129.
NOTE 9 IG II 2656b.
NOTE 10
For Nonnos' metre see Wifstrand 1933, Vian 1976.
NOTE 1 1 Vian 1976, L.
NOTE 12
Wifstrand 1933, 23.
NOTE 13
Cf. PPUAES3A, 167.
necessary to bear in mind though that Charidemos might have lived elsewhere
and therefore have left no further traces in
inscriptions from Halikarnassos. In the following I will examine in what way the epigram and the inscriptions as a whole might throw some light on the identity of the people meant to use the building.
The connection with Nonnos - formal
It was the choice of words in the poem which first pointed to the Egyptian poet Nonnos as a person who might provide the key to our understanding of the spirit that reigned in the building. The epigram
- short as it is - has most of its words in
common with Nonnos' great poem Dio- nysiaka in 48 songs. They often occupy the same position in the verse. The epi gram is written in elegiacs and consists of four disticha, while Nonnos' two known works are written in hexameters. There
fore it is not possible to compare them too strictly, but still it is obvious that our poem follows rather slavishly the rules used by Kallimachos and revived by Non nos. The Greek language was undergoing a gradual process of change whereby the difference between long and short vowels tended to disappear and tonal accent to be replaced by dynamic accent. One of the effects on Nonnos' verse was a preference for the dactyl and a very restricted use of the spondee.10
Francis Vian has drawn up a list of Nonnos' priorities for the first five feet in his hexameters.11 There are 9 different combinations. In the four hexameter lines
of our poem lines 1, 5 and 7 follow Nonnos' first priority (ddddd - d=dactyl), line 3 follows his third (dddsd - s=spond- ee). Lines 1, 3 and 5 have female caesurae as preferred by Nonnos and his followers
while line 7 has the masculine caesura.
The latter should not disturb us: line 7 is the line which mentions the name of the
donor, Charidemos, and in fact proper names allow for certain prosodic devia tions in Nonnos' verses too.12 To stress the proper name further the mosaicist left a
little extra space in front of it in the mosa ic. The four lines consisting of pentame ters are totally dactylic except for the spondee constituting the first foot in line 8.13
Special expressions
This is not the place to compare every word in the epigram with Nonnos' work.
I shall only point to two common de nominators. The rhythm and colour of Nonnos' poetry is characterized inter alia by two expressions also found in our epi gram. The first is£V9(X Kai £v6a, here and there and everywhere, which occurs sixty times in Nonnos, fifty-nine of which in the same position as in the Halikarnas- sian epigram. It is natural that only one of these examples should be from his para phrase of the Gospel according to St. John.
The expression is better suited to the rest less, dramatic and sometimes slightly drunken atmosphere in the Dionysiaka.
The other expression is 7roX\)6ai6aXoV
£t6oc^, richly wrought appearance, 1.5.
The translation "richly wrought" for 7toAu5ai5aAov is perhaps too generic.
"Wrought with Daidalic skill" is the more literal rendering. The shield of Achilleus is described as polydaidalic in the Iliad 11.32, and the word is very common in Nonnos. It occurs 23 times, one of which in the paraphrase of the Gospel according to St. John. There are no doubt several rea sons for this. Nonnos loves elaborating on the fantastic and marvellous, be it in form, in colour, or in technique. He prefers long and graphic epitheta placed before the (often short) noun to be qualified.
Thus a typical constellation in his verse is precisely 7EoA,1)8oci5aXoV Elboc, (six occur rences, all in the Dionysiaka). Another rea son for Nonnos to use it might be later philosophical interpretations of the de scription of the shield in Homer as a de scription of cosmos (Eustathius ad locum - Tama be \iiin\na xoi) Kdajiov Eivat cpaaiv oi 7i£pi xov Kpaxrym. Aio noXvbaibaXoc; xe Eiprvrai 5i& xi|v x&v KoojtiiKwv £i8&v rcoiKiAiav kou xf]v xwv XpcWtov mi xwv Kaipwv, kxL)
The word TtoXvbaibaXoq is especially
well adapted to dactylic poetry. In versi fied inscriptions it is nonetheless rarely found. The two inscriptions containing the word 7toAuSaiSaAoc; (none of them combined with £i5oc,) are both from Late Antiquity - one has a Christian context, the other a pagan one.14
The latter is an inscription from Amyklai in Sparta.15 It was cut in a base meant to bear an honorary statue. The verse is addressed to Apollo, it is in 4 dis- tichs and even if it is less elegant and has its epitheta after the noun unlike Nonnos
it has much more than the word
TtoAuSaioaAoc, in common with our epi
gram.
The other inscription containing the word 7toAixkxi5aAoc, is a poem in hexam eter beautifully cut in raised letters form ing part of the interior as well as the exte rior decoration of Hagios Polyeuktos in Byzantion. It is thus dated to 524-527, i.e.
the period when the church was built . The poem is not fully preserved in the
ruins of the church but all its 76 lines
were already known from the Anthologia Palatina (1.10). It was composed to cele brate Juliana Anicia (462 - c. 528), who built the church to the soldier-martyr Polyeuktos.16 The poem has some of its words and its way of using epitheta in common with Nonnos, and since it is written to praise the donor it is natural that it should stress the splendour, the honour and the toil just like the Halikar- nassian epigram. The hexameter has too many spondee's by Nonnian standards.
But the general tone, its interest in my thology and in the celestial phenomena would fit well into his universe. The only inscription I know of till now with the typical Nonnian expression 7toAu6ai5a- Aov 8i5oc, is the epigram in Halikarnassos.
The connection with Nonnos - content
While the similarities with our epigram in vocabulary and rhythm can be found throughout the Dionysiaka of Nonnos, there are parallels in content also. We find in the Dionysiaka two invitations extended
to strangers, main characters in the epos, to come and visit a palace (called inter alia a §6u,oc,). The first is Kadmos who is led by Peitho in disguise to visit the palace of Elektra.17 Kadmos is travelling all over the world in search for his sister Europa, but the journey is interrupted momentarily at
Samothrake so that he can meet his bride
to be, Harmonia. It has long been recog nized that the description of Kadmos' visit to the palace of Elektra has its precursor in the description of Odysseus' visit to Alki- noos in the Odyssey. The palace of Elek tra is described in detail in the Dionysiaka
III 123-146.
The second invitation to visit a palace is extended to Dionysos himself by the Assyrian dynast Staphylos - Grape - who prostrates himself before the god and asks
him to imitate his father Zeus the Friend
of Guests and enter his palace.18 The pal
ace is described in XVIII 62-92. Neither
of the palace visits in Nonnos is "cited" in the short epigram from Halikarnassos, but in reading them you cannot help feeling that they were close to the author's mind when writing. That is not a demonstrable
fact. Still it seems safe to conclude that the
epigram was written in the time of or lat er than Nonnos' Dionysiaka. It may not be a coincidence that an episode told in set ting the scene for Kadmos' visit is the one
where "the Seasons ran to the house
(Sojioc,) of Elektra bearing the sceptre of
Zeus and the robe ot Kronos and the staff
of Olympos to prophesy the indissoluble dominion of the Ausonians", that is the Romans, III 195-199.
Parallels in stone
While epigrams really similar to the Hali- karnassian one in mosaic pavements from Asia Minor are not as yet known to us, there are some contemporary inscriptions in stone from Aphrodisias which resemble it in style as well as in purpose. All three inscriptions are cut directly "on the high est remaining course of blocks"19 in the restored so-called Agora Gate. They cele
brate the restoration which inter alia meant
that the building was adapted as a foun-
NOTE 14
See also Anthologia Palatina.
6.332 and 16.80.
NOTE 15
IG V, 1,455, Tsountas, EphArch 1892, 21.
NOTE 1 6 Harrison 1989.
NOTE 17
III 83sqq.
NOTE 18 XVIII 39-40.
NOTE 19
Roueche 1989, 68.
NOTE 20 Roueche 1989, 71.
NOTE 21
Pelekanidis 1974 and Ase-
nakopoulou-Atzaka 1987
are invaluable.
n o t e 22
ArchEph 1917, 63 and 48, the last line of which, line 5, does not seem to form part of the poem.
n o t e 23
Spiro 1978, 429.
n o t e 24 Budde 1969, 97.
tain, no.38. The poetically best of the three Aphrodisian inscriptions is a hexam eter in six lines, Roueche no.38. It cele brates the donor, Ampelios, titled "father of his motherland", and also the poet himself which is unusual. The poet is Py-
thiodoros from Tralles and he calls himself
a rhetor. The two other inscriptions, nos. 39 and 40, are in distichs like ours.
One of them was amended - perhaps by the city council - which did not add to the elegance of the verse,20 but still the
choice of words calls the Halikarnassian
inscription to mind.
Parallels in mosaic floors
From what I have been able to discover
till now it seems that mosaic inscriptions in floors are common in Late Antiquity, but that it is a comparatively rare occur rence to find such inscriptions written in
verse and even more rare that this verse
should be of such high quality as the one
in Halikarnassos.
Helpful for research on the Greek mainland is Marie Spiro, Critical Corpus of the Mosaic Pavements on the Greek Mainland,
Fourth/Sixth Centuries with Architectural
Surveys, vol 1-2, New York and London 1978.21
Several inscriptions contained in this corpus mention the sponsor/donor of the mosaics or perhaps of the whole building.
In these cases the building is always meant for the public, a congregation or the like - a fact to keep in mind when we try to interpret the function of our building.
Normally the inscriptions are in prose.
Versified inscriptions are, however,
found in one of the five basilicas of Ni
kopolis, the so-called basilica alpha. No less than three inscriptions in its mosaic
floor are in 4-line hexameters and have
some unmistakably Nonnian features.
Thus nearly all the words are known from Nonnos and some of them often occupy the same place in his verse. Some of them also occur in our epigram. On the other hand, the author seems, in contrast to Nonnos, to prefer a spondee as the fourth foot of the hexameter and there is only
occasional Nonnian handling of epithets.
Two of these inscriptions are nearly iden tical.22 Sometimes the epsilon before the iota is omitted as in our inscription. On the basis of the content of the inscriptions the first phase of the building in Nikopolis has been dated to the second quarter of the 6th century.23
From Kilikia we have an inscription in
two distichs set into the mosaic floor of a Roman bath. No Nonnian echoes are de
tectable which is reassuring since the mo saics are dated on stylistic grounds as early as the late 4th century.24
The inscriptions in the part of the building excavated by
Newton
This is not the place to devote an exhaus tive examination to the inscriptions re covered during the mid 19th century
British excavations in Halikarnassos and to
compare them with the new Danish find ings. It is obvious for instance that the let ter forms of the inscriptions identifying Atalanta and Meleager are not the same as those found in the part of the building ex cavated by the Danes. Nevertheless the
examinations hitherto conducted leave us
in no doubt that the building functioned as one building. Thus the four seasons in Newton's room B were identified by the same words as in the apsidal room F exca vated by the Danes. The rest of the my thological figures identified by inscriptions were all found in the part of the building excavated by Newton. They are nearly all known from Nonnos' Dionysiaka, the ex ceptions being Dido and Aeneas.
A square containing a laurel wreath en closing the following six words was found in the part of the building excavated by
Newton:
iyyia - health
£oT] - life Xapd-joy
£lpl,VT|- peace
E'uBvp.ia- cheerfulness ekniq- hope
All these words are concepts with positive
connotations. Some of them are common
in a Christian context, like ttiotic, "itCoxiQ, eXidq, 6cY&7rr|" or eipT^vrj. In mosaic floors of Late Antiquity you often meet concepts personified and identified by in scriptions2'' or you can meet them, though more rarely, as here, without any figural representation. Still, I know of no other mosaic floor with so many concepts spelled out in one frame. And since the impression has already been given that we are in the more pagan world of Nonnos' Dionysiaka, it is reasonable to look for the appearance of the words in orphic or neo- platonic contexts. It seems to me sugges tive that five of the six concepts are con
tained in the last four lines of the so-called
orphic hymn to Zeus:
dA,Xd xaP£K tanpociai Sickm cppeoiv aioijua Tcdvxa ^coi^v x 6XPi60D|nov, 6\io\) O'tyleiav avaaaav eipfjvriv xe 0e6v, KODpoxpocpov, ayXaoxijiov, mi piov eijGfyioiaiv del 6&AXovxa X,oyia^ioi(;
It is not immediately clear why personifi cations not only of Halikarnassos but of Berytos and Alexandria were given such a conspicuous place in the mosaic decora tion of the floor. Many explanations are possible. The owners of the building probably wanted to advertise their con nections with people in the coastal cities of Berytos and Alexandria. The connec tions might be commercial. Or maybe
one should look to Nonnos once more
for an alternative explanation. Alexandria was the city where he wrote his Dionysiaka.
He probably went to Berytos too, as dem onstrated recently by Pierre Chuvin.26 Berytos - modern Beirut - plays a very important role in his Dionysiaka just as it did in the intellectual history of his own world. In his epic Berytos is dwelt upon as an important Roman colony to be and as the city which is going to hold the "reins of Law" (XLI 389-393). As for Halikar nassos, that is of course the city of the building, the 7tdipr] of the epigram. It is generally agreed, and it can be inferred from the Dionysiaka that Asia Minor at
tracted Nonnos' lively attention. It is of course unnecessary to go so far as to think of Halikarnassos as one of the places where Nonnos actually went, even if one ought not to exclude the possibility that Nonnos became one of the many - most of them pagan - Egyptian wandering poets.These are pure speculations. It is a fact, though, that Alexandria and especial ly Berytos remained strongholds for intel lectual pagans for a long time. The same mutatis mutandis might go for Halikarnas
s o s .
Concluding remarks
Where do these preliminary investigations lead us? As a minimum I think they give a relative dating for the last phase of the building. It was contemporary with or lat er than Nonnos. Fortunately that fits well into the picture given by the other find ings.28
Apart from that, it is of course a deli cate question how far one ought to go in the interpretation of the mosaics in a late Roman building. There is much to be said for Raeck's moderate approach. One of the premises in Raeck's illuminating book is that the message of a pictorial rep resentation had to be immediately under standable. One could say with him that our building - the British-excavated part
of which is well known to him - fits well
into a picture where everything had to be spelt out in letters for the not so classically educated generation of the new elite.
Raeck actually points to the fact that our Meleager was identified to the users of the building by an inscription and that the myth as such meant very little while it is significant that Meleager is represented wearing the contemporary dress of a man of the Roman elite. Perhaps the mosaics of the building were only meant to stress the felicitas temporum in a general way.29 On the other hand it is tempting to see the building in a framework similar to the one suggested for slightly earlier buildings in Apamea in Syria30 and in Nea Paphos in Cypros31 and to interpret the inscriptions as telling us that this house was intended
n o t e 25
E.g. Campbell, 1991 no.
IV A 1: KTioiq and no. IV A 36 : euKapnia and dycopa.
n o t e 26
Chuvin 1991, 198.
NOTE 27
Cf. Cameron 1965.
NOTE 28
Poulsen Supra 193-208.
NOTE 29
Cf. also Dresken-Weiland 1991.
NOTE 30
J. and J. Ch. Baity 1974.
NOTE 31 Daszewski 1986.
NOTE 32
Cf. the description of the palace, alluding also to the Ausonians, Dido and Ae neas as the only strangers
to the world of Nonnos'
Dionysiaka, the personifica tion of Berytos, the old Roman colony, and the expression 7rdxpqi Trji8', which brings Halikarnassos to the fore amongst impor
tant cities in the world.
n o t e 33
Alfbldi-Rosenbaum &
Ward-Perkins 1980. For
the Justinian renaissance, see especially Kitzinger
1951.
to serve people who were conscious of and participating in contemporary spiritu
al life and who had chosen an alternative
to Christianity, the orphic/neoplatonic road. They were citizens of the world and they recognized the Romans' right - or destiny - as rulers and protectors of peace
in that world.32 The mosaics found in
churches built or rebuilt during the so- called Justinian renaissance, e.g. in Cyre- naica, should warn us against too clear-cut
conclusions.33
It is possible that the stress in the inter pretation of the mosaics and their inscrip tions should be less on religious matters and more on the general admiration for
classical culture which caracterized the
period. If so, the three medallions with the personifications of Halikarnassos,
Alexandria and Berytos might simply an
nounce to whoever went into the room
that he would be received by an educated person who learned his retoric in Alex andria and his law in Berytos. Or perhaps
it announced that the visitor would find
here a library of international standard.
Anyway it is important to keep in mind that the mosaics with their inscrip tions were laid in a period when one and the same person could write a great epic on Dionysiaka and a versified paraphrase of the Gospel according to St. John.
* The English was revised by Peter Spring. The photographs, figs. 2-7, were made by Jacob Isager.
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